In the 1940s, Boston was still an industrial city, and when the US entered World War II, that industrial might would be turned to wartime production. With industry comes labor disputes, and a new government agency was given extraordinary powers to resolve them. In other early cases, the National War Labor Board used its authority and the might of the military to break strikes by organized labor. However, in August 1942, they would step in to force an employer to honor their union contract, using the US Army to enforce workers’ rights. That employer was the SA Woods Machine Company of South Boston, and this Wednesday marks the anniversary of the military takeover of their plant, setting up an epic battle of wills between the SA Woods corporation and the US government, and between the company’s cantankerous president and the young major sent to take over his company.
Army Takeover of SA Woods
- Industrialists in Olive Drab, by John Ohly
- Executive Order 9225
- “The Closed Shop Issue in World War II,” by T. T. Hammond
- “The S.A. Woods Story,” via Wood-Worker Magazine, May 1956
- Solomon A Woods Obituary
- Damrell Ave smokestack demolished
- Washington Village to be constructed on SA Woods site
- Boston Globe Coverage (subscription required)
- August 15: Harry Dodge says defying the NWLB is defending democracy
- August 17: SA Woods seeks court test
- August 18: SA Woods denies obstructing war effort
- August 19 (evening): FDR orders plant seizure, not expected today
- August 20: Plant seized last night, Army sets up perimeter cordon
- August 20 (evening): Army auditing SA Woods books
- August 21: SA Woods calls seizure of woodworking and electric motor plants “punitive”
- August 22: Harry Dodge fired
- August 24: Army officials make a show of negotiating with the union
- October 13: Troops to be withdrawn from SA Woods
- Pictures above from the Boston Globe and Digital Commonwealth
Boston Book Club
During the 1983 Boston City Council race, WGBH was given extraordinary behind-the-scenes access to one candidate’s campaign, as he ran for office for the first time. The council had just been restructured, introducing a new District Councilor seat. Before this, all nine city councilors were elected at large, meaning that they had to run city-wide. With the restructuring, there would now be four at-large councilors and nine district councilors, who would be elected by the residents of specific neighborhoods. This first time candidate, named Tom Menino, was running to represent Hyde Park and Roslindale in District 5.
There’s a charming segment where the camera goes behind the scenes in the future councilor’s basement, as he rehearses the speech announcing his candidacy over and over again to a small audience of family and friends. His wife Angela gently corrects his pronunciation, then the scene shifts to his parents’ backyard in Hyde Park, where he is delivering the speech for real. As he stumbles over the same word again, the camera cuts to Angela, who stares directly into the camera and gives a little smirk that would make the writers of The Office proud.
For an episode that will be focusing on manufacturing in Boston, it’s interesting to hear future mayor Menino discuss the role that one of the large factories in the Readville section of Hyde Park played in his family and the neighborhood. He describes how his father, three of his aunts, and his neighbors had all worked at Westinghouse making industrial fans. Even young Tommy had worked there for a few summers, though he mentions that the company is having financial difficulties. Of course, the old Westinghouse plant is now condos, and a charter school, and the offices for a few small businesses.
The show closes on election night, as the candidate and his staff count the votes coming in from individual precincts. By now it’s not a spoiler to say that Tommy Menino won that race. He would go on to the Mayor’s office in 1994 and end up as the city’s longest-serving mayor.
Upcoming Events
On August 26, the USS Constitution Museum will be presenting a virtual panel discussion about using naval power to secure commercial shipping around the world, from the time of the Constitution’s campaign against the Barbary pirates to the rising tensions with China over access to the South China Sea. The panelists will include Professor Robert Allison of Suffolk University, Professor James Holmes of the US Naval War College, and Professor Rockford Weitz of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. They will be moderated by the Constitution Museum’s public historian, Carl Herzog.
Here’s how the museum describes the event:
Throughout the first half of the 1800s, USS Constitution was deployed to locations around the globe to protect American maritime commerce and interests. Keeping seaways open and safe for American ships passing through far flung locales was a fundamental goal in the creation of the US Navy and USS Constitution. Today, US Navy ships are still stationed and patrolling waters around the world to protect maritime commerce and freedom of navigation in increasingly volatile regions such as the South China Sea.
In a virtual panel discussion on August 26, the USS Constitution Museum brings together three experts to discuss Constitution’s history protecting maritime commerce and how that legacy is reflected in the deployments of US Navy ships to tense sea lanes around the world today. What lessons does “Old Ironsides” offer us for guidance in understanding overseas naval presence today? How do global issues of maritime security affect commerce coming to and from American shores today and how does that compare to the 19th-century commerce Constitution sought to protect?
The event will be free, but advanced registration is required.
Though it’s last minute notice, Old North will present an illustrated talk by Alex Goldfield on Tuesday, August 19. He’ll speak on the topic of Black freedom in early Boston, retracing the lives of free and enslaved African Americans in the first decades of our city. Old North’s description says:
Public historian and local author Alex Goldfeld will give an illustrated presentation on Boston’s African-American community in the 1600s. He will draw on his graduate research in The History of the Streets of Boston’s North End to speak about life for Boston’s earliest black residents. The audience will get glimpses of free Black Bostonians as well as efforts to control them by law throughout Massachusetts.
Registration is also required for this event, and donations are encouraged.
Transcript
Intro
Music
Jake:
[0:04] Welcome To Hub history where we go far beyond the Freedom Trail to share our favorite stories from the history of Boston, The Hub of the Universe.
This is Episode 1 98 when the U. S Army invaded Southie.
Hi, I’m Jake. This week I’m talking about the World War Two Home front here in Boston. In the 1940s, Boston was still an industrial city, and when the U. S. Entered World War Two, that industrial might would be turned to wartime production.
Of course, with industry come labor disputes and a new government agency was given extraordinary powers to resolve them.
In other early cases, the National War Labor Board used its authority and the might of the military to break strikes by organized labor.
However, in August 1942 they’d step in to force an employer to honor their union contract, using the U. S. Army to enforce workers rights.
That employer was the Essay Woods Machine Company of South Boston.
And this Wednesday marks the anniversary of the military takeover of their plant, setting up an epic battle of wills between the SA Woods Corporation in the U. S. Government and between the company’s cantankerous president and the young major sent to take over his company.
But before we talk about the Army’s invasion of South Boston, it’s time for this week’s Boston Book Club selection and our upcoming historical event.
Boston Book Club
[1:29] My pick for the Boston Book Club this week is a documentary that follows an unknown wannabe politician as he runs for a seat on the Boston City Council.
For the first time, the council has just been restructured, introducing a new district councillor seat before. This time, all nine city councillors were elected at large, meaning they had to run citywide.
With the restructuring, there would now be four at large councilors and nine district councillors who be elected by the residents of specific neighborhoods.
That unknown wannabe was running to represent Hyde Park in Roslindale. In District five.
Meet Tom Menino Clips:
[2:08] Next on neighborhoods. Meet Tom Menino.
Behind the scenes look at grassroots Boston politics The following program is a co production of WGBH, Boston’s and Cablevision of Boston.
Jake:
[2:28] There’s a charming segment where the camera goes behind the scenes in the future Counselors basement as he rehearses the speech, announcing his candidacy over and over again to a small audience of family and friends.
His wife, Angela, gently correct his pronunciation.
Meet Tom Menino Clips:
[2:42] Let me say something about the new office of District counselor.
First, it is not in office on the job training. It will demand someone who understands those issues, like physical policy.
[2:57] Coming out physical.
Jake:
[2:59] Then the scene shifts to his parents backyard in Hyde Park, where he’s delivering the speech for Riel as he stumbles over the same word yet again, the camera cuts to Angela,
who stares directly into the camera and gives a little smart that make the writers of the office proud.
Meet Tom Menino Clips:
[3:15] Like fiscal policy and planning that affect the entire city.
Jake:
[3:19] For an episode where I’ll focus on manufacturing in Boston. It’s interesting to hear future Mayor Menino discussed the role that one of the large factories in the Reedville section of Hyde Park played in his family and the neighborhood.
Meet Tom Menino Clips:
[3:31] I think my father worked there for 30 some odd years and Western House. I think we were brought up in Western House.
Um, I think my two wives work there. My three aunts work there. My father worked there all his life. I worked there for a few summers. It’s been a real part time pointing part of that. Our family. It’s Western House.
[3:56] No High Park. Western House was the main employer out here.
Every worked in Western House. That was the place to work.
[4:08] Hey, David made industrial fans large fans. They’re going to tunnels. Things like that.
Today it’s different. Different deep fry, now in a MSM, has a financial problems.
Jake:
[4:20] I live in Reedville now just a few blocks from the Westinghouse plan, which is now condos in a charter school and the headquarters of a telecom company and a critical fluid technology company.
Whatever that might be, the show closes on election night as the candidate and his staff count the votes coming in from individual precincts.
Meet Tom Menino Clips:
[4:40] The 18 16 go ahead from prison for 98. Beat us. Go ahead 3 93 way 151 PM seven.
OK, 80 20 precent. Want that.
Jake:
[5:10] I guess by now it’s not a spoiler to say that Tommy Menino won that 1983 race.
He’d go on to the mayor’s office in 1994 and end up is the city’s longest serving mayor.
I had the honor of calling Tom Menino my mayor from my 1st 17 years as a Boston resident and my neighbor for the last five years of his life.
Upcoming Event(S)
[5:38] And for the upcoming event this week, I have a panel discussion conducted virtually, of course, from the USS Constitution Museum.
On August 26 they’ll present a conversation about using naval power to secure commercial shipping around the world, from the time of the Constitution’s campaign against the Barbary pirates to rising tensions with China over access to the South China Sea.
The Panelists will include Professor Robert Alison of Suffolk University, Professor James Holmes of the U S Naval War College and Professor Rockford Fights of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy.
They’ll be moderated by the Constitution Museums public historian Carl Hurt Dog.
Here’s how the museum describes the event.
Throughout the first half of the 18 hundreds, USS Constitution was deployed to locations around the globe to protect American maritime commerce and interests.
Keeping seaways open and safe for American ships passing through far flung locales was a fundamental goal in the creation of the U. S Navy and USS Constitution.
[6:42] Today, U. S Navy ships air still stationed and patrolling waters around the world to protect maritime commerce and freedom of navigation, an increasingly volatile regions such as the South China Sea.
In a virtual panel discussion on August 26 the U.
S s Constitution Museum brings together three experts to discuss constitutions, history, protecting maritime commerce and how that legacy is reflected in the deployments of U. S Navy ships to tent ceilings around the world today.
What lessons does Old Ironsides offer us for guidance in understanding overseas naval presence today?
How do global issues of maritime security effect commerce coming to and from American shores today?
And how does that compare to the 19th century Commerce Constitution sought to protect?
[7:30] The event will be free, but advanced registration is required if you happen to be listening to this episode in the first couple of days. Since it was released, we also have another bonus event passed along by co host America Nikki.
This Tuesday, August 19th Old North of presenting illustrated talk by Alex Goldfield on the topic of black freedom in early Boston,
it will retrace the lives of free and enslaved African Americans in the first decades of our city,
old North description, says public historian and local author Alex Goldfield will given illustrated presentation on Boston’s African American community and the 16 hundreds.
He’ll drawn his graduate research in the history of the streets of Boston’s North End to speak about the life of Boston’s earliest black residents.
The audience will get glimpses of free black Bostonians as well as efforts to control them by law, throughout Massachusetts, registration is also required for this event, and donations are encouraged.
We’ll have all the links you need in this week’s show. Notes that hub history dot com slash 198.
[8:43] Before I start the show, I just want to pause and think that dedicated listeners who support this show on patri on.
Besides the time it takes each week to research and write a new story about Boston history, the biggest costs that go into creating hub history our podcast media host, online security and Web hosting,
plus some additional costs for transcription and audio processing those listeners who go the extra mile and contribute $2.5 dollars or even $10 a month make it possible for me to keep making this show. Thank you all.
If you’d like to be our newest sponsor, just go to patri on dot com slash hub history or visit home history dot com and click on the support like Thanks again to our new and returning sponsors.
And now it’s time for this week’s main topic.
Main Topic: The Us Army Takeover Of Sa Woods
[9:36] At about five minutes before 8 p.m. On August 19th 1942 a convoy of seven heavy trucks, two staff cars, a jeep and a Red Cross field hospital unit turned off Old Colony have onto Damrell Street in South Boston.
The column of vehicles stopped in front of a large factory complex a 27 Damrell.
Working quickly, a detachment of the 704th Military police commanded by Lieutenant Colonel James A. Kennedy blocked all civilian traffic from Damrell Street and set up a corner on the perimeter of the essay Woods Machine Company.
The armed and uniformed soldiers relieved the company’s armed guard at the main gate to the factory complex, and Major Ralph Gal read his orders allowed, which are direct from Under Secretary of War Robert Patterson.
The evening edition of the next day’s Globe reported that soldiers nailed a copy of the executive order authorizing their occupation to the wall of the factory, but there was little overall excitement.
[10:36] Still, helmeted soldiers carrying light field packs and armed with rifles and submachine guns were stationed at every entrance and in every department of the factory. This morning century station, every door demanded full identification from all persons entering or leaving the plant.
About 25 day shift workers were denied admittance to the factory this morning because an officer said the numbers on their cards and on their buttons did not correspond.
They were later allowed entrance after company officials identified them and corrected identification tag errors Despite some hiccups.
Shift change That first night factory work on the graveyard shift continued uninterrupted.
Well, management was home in bed.
[11:21] S a. Woods have been making equipment for woodworking and lumber production for about 90 years before it became part of the arsenal of democracy and began manufacturing munitions.
[11:33] An article in the May 1956 issue of Woodworker magazine explains how the company grew during the early days of American industry.
For over 100 years, the history of the essay Woods machine company has been identical with that of the woodworking industry. In nearly every aspect, it has shared the same years of depression and prosperity, of shortages and over abundance in supply.
Major wars have come and gone with their abnormal demands and restrictions.
It was in 18 52 that Solomon A. Woods, the founder of the present company, proudly exhibited his first machine. There was to revolutionize the wood working methods of the nation.
This machine had feed roles, and cutting units there were mounted on a wooden frame and base using two wing side heads.
The total weight was around £1000 the usual source of power for that era came from a water wheel.
In the wake of this simple machine, there came a steady flow of improved machines for nearly all types of woodworking.
Special awards from expositions and patents granted by the United States Patent Office became a normal procedure.
This is continued right up to the present time for Woods. Last major patent was granted as recently as November 29th 1955.
[12:53] Solomon Woods grew up in Farmington, Maine, and he was a carpenter in his twenties when he visited Boston for the first time.
He came here in 18 51 to purchase a steam engine with the intent of setting up a mill in Farmington, where he could make doors, sashes and blinds.
But as the song says, How you gonna keep him down on the farm when they’ve seen gay Paree?
Having gotten a glimpse of Boston, Woods decided to stay, and he got a job in a factory that made sashes and doors.
Within just a few months, he purchased the company, and within a year he was beginning to create machinery of his own design.
[13:33] The first woodworking machine the company produced was a plainer match er used in making lumber.
Unlike a regular plainer, which had smooth one surface of a piece of wood at a time, a plainer match ER would do to opposite sides at once, smoothing both sides in establishing the desired thickness.
Next, the company developed and improved moulder, which shaped trim pieces in a machine that cut the corner joints for mass produced wooden boxes.
In the late 18 fifties, the company build a factory on Damrell Street in South Boston, beginning a factory complex that would grow steadily until after the Second World War.
Solomon Woods served in the Boston City Council in the 18 seventies as a director of the East Boston ferry and is a trustee of the South Boston Savings Bank.
Before he passed away in 1907 he would amass at least 80 patents and build the company into the largest manufacturer of planing machines in the world.
[14:35] After Solomon Woods died, his son Frank, took over the business.
In 1920 s, a Woods corporation bought HC Dodge, which was a Boston company that specialized in making lathes and electric motors.
SA Woods ditched the lathes and kept making the motors, which have become a more and more important segment of their businesses.
The 20th century progressed not long after the merger, Harry See Dodge took over as president of the SA Woods Corporation, a position he still held in August 1942.
[15:10] Along the way, SA Woods picked up a trade union with about 1000 employees being represented by the CEO affiliated United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America.
By the summer of 1942 the Damrell Street factory was also considered a war industry plant.
Starting in 1940 the factory consisted of seven large buildings organized into the A plant, which produced woodworking machinery, the B plant, which produced electric motors, and a brand new C plan.
So the U. S had not yet entered the Second World War. We were already supplying the Allies through the Lend Lease Act and direct sales.
The Sea Planet made shells and shot for the UK and later for the U. S. When it joined the war.
[15:59] And the year after the Pearl Harbor attack, the Roosevelt administration’s new Deal commitment to supporting the U. S labor movement ran head on into its sudden need to put the nation on a wartime footing.
A block about the war managed by Seton Hall students reports how labour conflict disrupted war work.
In the six months between December of 1941 and June of 1942 there were 1200 recorded strikes 270,000 strikers and 2.3 million workdays lost.
Looking at war industries, only the numbers decreased slightly, with 581 strikes, 250,000 strikers and one million workdays lost.
Despite the agreement negotiated by the war labor board for major industrial unions to halt strikes in favor of contributing to the war effort, employees found it difficult to stick to their word.
[16:54] Writing in the North Carolina Law Review in 1943 t.
T. Him and examined the primary issue driving a series of strikes at shipyards, coal mines and other industries in the early years of the war,
the fight over the all union shop during World War Two was merely a continuation and intensification of a struggle which has been going on between employers and labour unions since the beginning of modern industrial enterprise.
The Labour offensive for the all union shop during the thirties and forties had its counterparts in the organized drives for the open shop, which have been waged by employer associations ever since the beginning of the first such drive in 1903,
The all union shop controversy has always been a bitter one because it’s logically the final battle front and the continual war in American industrial relations as to how much voice labor shall have in determining conditions of employment.
Although the all union shop is usually attacked or defended on the basis of idealistic and theoretical principles, the controversy is fundamentally a struggle for power between the unions and the employers,
a question of whether or not labor unions shall be big and strong.
[18:09] Before the passage of the National Labor Relations Act, the opposition of employers to the all union shop was merely one phase of the effort to drive out unions all together,
naturally enough, in players have resisted any movement designed to reduce their freedom and managing their businesses as they pleased.
Now that their chief methods of opposition to unions are prohibited by law in players have pretty generally accepted the fact that they must bargain collectively with the representatives of their employees.
Have you been forced to recognize and bargain with the unions?
Many employers are now taking a last ditch stand against any further strengthening of Labour’s hands through an extension of the all union shop.
[18:52] The National Labor Relations Act was passed in 1935. It came on the heels of decades of activism by union organizer’s and often violent attempts to suppress unions on the part of large employers.
The law guaranteed workers right to unionize, to engage in collective bargaining and to go on strike.
It also established a national labor relations board. There was tasked with enforcing the act with the added urgency of a global war.
President Roosevelt created a National War Labor board by executive order and January 1942 modelled loosely on a similar board headed by William Howard Taft.
During the first World War, this board was meant to act as arbitrator between labor and management and war industries, forcing them to come to an agreement and thus avoiding strikes.
It was also empowered to set wage controls in certain vital war industries.
[19:52] Starting in April 1942 the United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America interred ended negotiation with the Essay Woods Corporation over a new contract.
Among the items on the table were a maintenance of membership clause, meaning that all employees who are members of the evening at the moment the contract went into effect would have to remain members until the contract expired or they’d have to quit their jobs.
It would mean that s a Woods was effectively becoming a union shop,
along with this provision in the union was also asking for,
a provision for arbitration of all matters arising under the terms of the contract and modifications in the standard rates of production in case of changes of materials or manufacturing methods or the introduction of new products or machines.
[20:44] In his book Industrialists in Olive Drab. The Emergency Operation of Private Industries During World War Two, author John O. Li described how the case ended up before the brand new National War Labor board in the summer of 1942.
Like it many of the other companies that were undergoing strikes and other disputes. At the same time, the maintenance of membership clause was the sticking point at SA Woods.
[21:12] After unsuccessful efforts by both parties and a federal conciliator to adjust several contested issues, the case was certified to the in W. L. B on 16th May and heard by a mediator During early June 1942.
A large number of matters were settled during the mediation proceedings, including agreements on certain wage increases and the effective retroactive date and processes for any adjustments that might subsequently be agreed upon with respect to changes in standards.
Upon conclusion of the proceedings, the parties agreed to submit the unsettled issues to a fact finding panel.
The panel recommended maintenance of membership arbitration of all matters arising under the contract and resolution of the controversy involving changes in standards through a type of arbitration proceedings specifically described in July 3rd 1942,
when the company failed to accept the panel’s recommendations, the board itself on August 1st issued an order unanimously approving the action of the panel.
[22:17] Company President Harry Dodge responded to the findings of the war labor board by saying that they amounted to an illegal order and he intended not to follow it.
He was an industrialist of the old school, anti union and anti big government.
In a statement to the press on August 15th he barely stopped short of calling the requirement to maintain a union shop on American.
[22:43] We resent any imputation that our management is unpatriotic. We love our country and obey its laws.
We are working hard for the war. We’ve always had an open shop, a real one where the man with a union card and the man without one could work without discrimination.
We’ve always been able to agree with our employees on the essential items of wages, hours and conditions of employment.
We think we would be doing wrong if we accepted your directive orders.
Our stockholders think we should raise a hand at home and defensive. The freedom and democracy are boys air fighting for on the seven seas.
[23:23] The War labor board was authorized to seize the essay Woods plan if the company refused to adhere to the terms of the deal, but that was supposed to be the last resort in industrialists in Olive Drab only list some of the measures they tried,
upon the n W L bees. Failure to achieve a settlement.
And with the prospect of a possible seizure looming, the War Department undertook to obtain company acceptance of the government’s decision.
Undersecretary Paterson conferred with Governor Leverett Saltonstall of Massachusetts, who through his commissioner of conciliation a Mr Moriarty endeavoured to persuade Dodge when he was unsuccessful.
Paterson appealed directly to Dodge in a strong telegram, but the latter again refused to exceed and repeated his challenge to the government to test the legality of the Indy BLB order in the courts.
At the same time, he indicated no objection to cooperation with the government should it decide to condemn and operate the shell plant on August 18th in W. L be referred the matter to President Roosevelt.
Meanwhile, the union had withheld strike action upon in W. L B assurance that the government would exhaust its powers to place its order into effect.
[24:41] Dodge tried repeatedly to get the war labor board into a courtroom, as The Boston Globe reported on August 17 conceding that there is no procedure by which we contest your powers in court, the company told the W. L. B.
It was therefore respectfully inviting you to bring suit to enforce your orders against us in the federal courts of the Massachusetts district.
The company said it would cooperate to get a speedy decision from the Supreme Court.
[25:12] The war labor board declined, essentially saying that its actions weren’t subject to judicial review.
[25:19] Hammond’s article in the North Carolina Law Review recorded the National War Labor Board’s response to the company’s demand for a court test.
[25:29] The board refused, insisting again that it was authorized to make final determination of union security disputes and calling on the employer to accept the decision.
As others have done to this, the company replied, We regret that you’re disposed to die us a court trial of your powers.
Neither union maintenance nor compulsory arbitration has anything to do with production in our plant.
There’s no reason why we should be called upon to surrender the rights of American citizens in order to resolve the dilemma which advantages out of the national peril,
under Secretary of War Paterson made one last effort to win over Dodge on August 18th saying the War Department must insist that you immediately comply with the directive order of the War labor board.
I am sure that you did not want to place yourself in a position of obstructing the prosecution of the war.
[26:25] In the globe, Woods retorted. To charge us even by implication, with obstructing the prosecution of this war is entirely unwarranted.
We have worked in closest harmony with the ordinance department in this and previous wars.
If the government wishes to support organized labor and its threats of obstruction, we cannot help it.
[26:48] Union representatives who had been denigrated in the press for generations is un American Bolsheviks, but on destroying the American way of life.
Took this moment to get some rhetorical revenge.
The same story in the August 18th 1942 edition of The Boston Globe that carried Harry Woods angry statement had thes comments from the union.
The business season for local to 72 said there has been no threat of a strike by the workers employed in three shifts at the wood plant.
This union has accepted the decision of the war labor board and will abide by it until the government takes the action necessary.
The workers in the planner patriotic enough to continue their work in spite of the company’s defiant attitude, a spokesman for the United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers National said.
Our union has received many direct orders from the war labor board that we did not like, but we complied nevertheless, our patriotic duty allowed us no choice.
We expect manufacturers to follow the same policy it Elba hooves any group to refuse to obey its commander in chief or any of his authorized representatives.
[28:04] Finally, on August night, teeth the president’s patients ran out.
Franklin Delano Roosevelt signed Executive order 9225.
[28:14] The secretary of war is authorized and directed immediately to take possession off and operate the plant of the SA Woods Machine Company, located at South Boston, Massachusetts,
through and with the aid of such person or persons or instrumentality, as he may designate.
And insofar as may be necessary or desirable to produce the war materials called for by the company’s contracts with the United States, it’s departments and agencies or as maybe otherwise required for the war effort and do all things necessary or incidental.
To that end, the secretary of war shall employ such employees, including a competent civilian adviser on industrial relations, as are necessary to carry out the provisions of this order,
and the purposes of the directive, Order of the War Labor Board of August 1st 1942 and the matter of SA Woods Machine Company at AL.
And in furtherance of the purpose of this order, the secretary of war may exercise any existing contractual or other rights of said company or take such steps as may be necessary or desirable.
[29:20] There was a pregnant pause following the president’s action at 10:40 a.m.
While the company and Labour representatives waited for the Army Major who be taking over management of the plant toe arrived from Washington, D. C.
That evening’s edition of The Boston Globe said that officials didn’t know when to expect him and that,
local officers of the ordinance department have requested the first Service Command to place a detachment of troops on alert for immediate occupation of the South Boston factory,
although they pointed out no immediate necessity for armed occupation of the Woods Company.
Premises is for C, nevertheless of 8 p.m. That same evening, Major Ralph Gow and 200 military police took over the Damrell Street plan.
[30:06] Major Gal was assisted by an officer corps of managers and Army lawyers, as well as that security detail under Lieutenant Colonel Kennedy.
Gal, a Western native and a graduate of M. I T.
Have been an amateur boxer in college and a production manager at Norton Company before joining the Army Corps of Engineers, seemed to be uniquely prepared for the duty awaiting him in Boston as production continued more or less interrupted.
The first thing the Army did after taking over was to initiate an audit of the company’s books.
The August 20th edition of The Boston Globe describes the surreal atmosphere in the company’s executive office.
As this process unfolded, the office quarters of the South Boston firm were heavily guarded,
and the troops equipped for field service presented an incongruous picture against a background of office machines, shirt sleeved executives and pretty stenographers.
Army officers and plan executives poured over books and papers elbow to elbow,
while furniture movers and electrician’s created minor confusion as they hurriedly set up emergency quarters for the Army experts who will remain in control of the plant until the dispute that brought them there is settled.
[31:21] When major Gal met company president Harry Dodge, it was as if immutable force met immovable object.
Immediately, the two pugilistic managers butted heads at first over the question of whether the army was taking control of the entire Woods factory or just the unit that made munitions holies.
Industrialists in Olive Drab says.
When major cow advised Dodge of the projected seizure, the latter agreed to cooperate fully with the government if Caesar was limited to the shell plant.
He also stated, however, that he would use every means at his disposal to oppose the seizure if the A and B plants were affected.
Gow, unfamiliar at the time with the inter relationship of the two properties, was noncommittal and on the basis of instructions received by telephone from Washington, limited the initial seizure to the shell plant and corporate records.
[32:19] On the morning of August 20th Dodgers concerns were presented to the War Department, who announced that they were taking over the A and B plants immediately, perhaps because they were tired of his constant belly aching.
While they’re trying to stamp out fascism, Dodge issued a public response that was carried in the next days Globe after taking possession of our war production plant last night.
The government this morning revealed the punitive and oppressive character of its proceedings by also taking over our other plans.
This plant is entirely segregated, makes no implements of war, is a separate unit for collective bargaining and was not involved in any way with the War Labor Board case.
There is no reasonable pretext for interference by the government with this part of our business, and the seizure is unwarranted and purely coercive.
Nevertheless, despite this action, we reaffirm our earlier pledges to cooperate and maintaining production of vital war materials in any way that we may be permitted to dio.
[33:22] Harry Dodge wouldn’t have to worry about maintaining production of vital war materials for much longer.
The Army took over his factory on a Wednesday, and they fired him that Friday along with the company vice president, telling the press.
All connections of Mr Harry See Dodge with the possession and operation of the SA Woods Machine company plant in South Boston were severed today,
at the request of Major Ralph Gow Ordinance Department now operating the plane on orders of the secretary of war, Mr Dodge and Mr King’s Lynn Dunwoody, vice president and general manager, left the plant today.
Production and all departments of the plant proceeded smoothly. Minor difficulties in regard, identification passes of a few employees that existed yesterday.
We’re completely adjusted today by the prompt action of Lieutenant Jeremiah Sullivan, in charge of the military police at the plant.
[34:18] The new management reached out to suppliers to make sure orders would still be paid for and to customers to assure them that their products were still on the way.
The employees started getting paychecks from the U. S. Government instead of the essay Woods company John Oli rights.
During the next few days, various operating matters were discussed with company representatives.
These included the company’s right to gain access to its records, management’s decision to terminate its employee group insurance program, arrangements for mail sorting,
the status of the companies nationwide sales organization, branch offices, war department contracts and resolution of the company’s potentially embarrassing financial situation there would result of the government failed to pay for seized inventories.
The character and tone of these conferences gave government representatives the impression that the company intended to refuse cooperation and to engage in a long and bitter fight over the seizure, thus laying the basis for a later damage suit against the government.
The company attitude prompted. Major got to take further steps toward complete War Department operation, such as negotiating with insurance companies for the maintenance of the workmen’s compensation, health and accident insurance, the revision of all invoices bills.
Another company, Papers to carry Gallus name is the War Department representative and the initiation of a search for someone who could manage and direct plant production.
[35:43] Now that the U. S government was fully in charge of the SA Woods factory, it also fully owned the labor problems that drove the war labor board to get involved with the company in the first place in order to keep production going and avoid any head of a strike.
Gow on his fellow officers made a show of negotiating with the union, but there were many unresolved legal questions around the ability of the government to enter into a union contract.
A story on the inside pages of the August 24th Globe reported. These negotiations is a history making first, but go in the Army were already quietly looking around for an alternative to operating the factory themselves.
[36:24] There are several pages and industrialists in Olive Drab devoted to the details of this quiet search, which culminate in this passage,
after considerable investigation by the Office of the Chief of Ordinance, the Murray company, a small corporation engaged in the manufacture of cotton processing machinery, was selected to run the Woods properties, provided its labor policies were above reproach.
This fact was verified by the Labour Relations Branch, Civilian Personnel Division and confirmed by the International Union.
Accordingly, the War Department forwarded a proposed contract to the Murray company in mid October stating that the War Department was condemning the South Boston properties of S A. Woods.
It would make shot and shell contracts with the Murray company, similar to the existing ones. With Woods.
The government would turn over its interest in the condemned properties and goods to the Murray company, while real estate, machinery and other durable goods will be rented at a certain percentage of the appraised value.
Inventory on hand would be transferred it cost, except that consisting of woodworking, machinery and repair parts.
What should be paid for by Murray only if used.
[37:36] The Murray company agreed to enter into a contract with the United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers local to 72.
The contract contained all the provisions that Dodge had originally agreed to, plus the additions stipulated by the War Labor Board, including the maintenance of membership clause that would create a union shop.
Any future changes would have to be agreed to by both sides.
With that, the role of the U. S Army and operating the SA Woods company ended as suddenly as it had begun, the October 13th Boston Evening Glow reported.
Major Ralph Gow announced today in a statement from the SA Woods Machine company plan on Damrell Street, South Boston,
that the troops guarding the plant would be withdrawn by tomorrow and the management of the South Boston plant owned by the Woods company would be operated by the Murray Company of Dallas, Texas.
The Murray company, in local to 72 of the United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America CEO,
reached an accord on all points of a contract that would incorporate all matters which have been agreed to, formerly by the management of the Woods company in the union, plus provisions of the directive Order of the War Labor Board.
[38:48] Ironically, as the war dragged on, the woodworking tools produced by the A and B units turned out to be far more important to the war effort than shell manufacturing, as reported in Industrialists in Olive Drab.
The ordinance department, annoyed by problems with Woods facility and in a position to fill its entire shell and shot requirements from other sources at lower costs, repeatedly proposed termination or non renewal of the supply contracts.
The War Production board, however, was insistent that the woodworking machinery business be continued because of a serious national shortage in this area.
Moreover, a large part of the lumber industry used Woods machines and frequently needed spare parts obtainable only in South Boston.
The wishes of both could not be fulfilled because Murray was under no obligation to operate the woodworking property if it were not supplied with shell contracts.
Furthermore, the whole purpose of the takeover was the settlement of a labor dispute at the shell plant that did not extend to the A and B plants.
If the shell plant were closed and if Murray refused to operate the commercial plan, the only practicable alternative was a return of the properties toe SA Woods.
This would leave the executive order unfulfilled and probably cause a strike, halting all production.
[40:09] The delicate deal between the government, the Murray company, the union and the behind the scenes influenced the Woods Corporation was always on the brink of collapse, so American success in prosecuting the war was fortuitous.
[40:22] Victory in Europe would pave the way to restoring the SA Woods corporation, and victory over Japan would cement the deal.
[40:31] Industrialists in Olive Drab continues With VE Day.
The ordinance department no longer needed to conduct business with Murray, since the sole purpose of the seizure was the settlement of a labor dispute in the shell plant.
And since that plant was no longer needed, the War Department, the N W. L. B on the Office of Economic Stabilization, concluded that continued government possession was unnecessary.
The fact that restoration to private ownership might result neighbor difficulties in the A and B plants was not sufficient to justify continued government control.
This decision came in a propitious moment since the government’s leasehold interest in the Woods properties expired on June 30th and further condemnation proceedings or another agreement with Dodge would have been necessary.
On June 20th Notice was given to the Murray Company terminating the supply contracts effective June 30th. The company was given two months to remove equipment and restore the plant to his former condition.
It proved possible to make amicable arrangements with S A Woods for a continuance of government possession during this period without any necessity for further condemnation proceedings before the two months had expired.
VJ Day occurred In an order of President Harry S. Truman relieved the War department of any responsibilities it still had under the original executive order.
[41:53] Harry Dodge couldn’t let the issue drop, so we pursued a suit against the government in federal District Court to recover costs.
The company was eventually awarded $889,743.73.
[42:08] Dodge continued to run S A Woods until he died in his Back Bay home on November 18th 1957.
His obituary put the best possible spin on his wartime service, saying during the war, the plant operated by Dodge produced shells.
Mr. Dodge also served as a member of the advisory board of the Boston Ordinance District.
[42:32] The essay Woods company was acquired by United Industrial Syndicate Inc in 1958 which would eventually scoop up Neco, another struggling local manufacturers.
Many mergers and bankruptcies later, a smokestack that may have been the last remnant of the factory complex, once guarded by hundreds of M P’s, was torn down.
In 2017 the Boston planning and development agencies approved a 656 unit residential development called Washington Village.
In its place, as far as I can tell, constructions currently stalled, but I don’t make it to Southie very often during the pandemic.
Wrap-Up
[43:10] To learn more about the U. S. Army’s 1940 to take over the SA Woods factory, check out this week’s show notes at home history dot com slash 198 I have links to several articles from The Boston Globe’s coverage of the conflict.
I’ll also linked to the book industrialists and olive Drab T.
T. Hammond’s 1943 article about closed shops and the text of Executive order 92 to 5 that authorized the army take over.
The factory also includes some pictures of MPs guarding the factory and a copy of a help wanted ad taken out by the Murray Company looking for workers of the SA Woods factory.
And, of course, I have links to information about our upcoming event and meet Tom Menino, this week’s Boston Book Club pick.
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Music
Jake:
[44:26] That’s all for now. Stay safe out there, listeners.